DEMOGRAPHY and HISTORY in SUBSAHARIAN
AFRICA
by
Louise-Marie DIOP-MAES
I.
INTRODUCTION
II.
PREHISTORY, ANTIQUITY and NATURAL ENVIRONMENT
III. STATE OF
THE POPULATION OF SUBSAHARIAN AFRICA BETWEEN THE 8TH AND THE 17TH
CENTURY ACCORDING TO THE WITNESSES AND TO Archaeology
1-
A few witnesses
2-
Appreciation of these sources
IV
METHOD OF EVALUATION OF THE POPULATION OF SUBSAHARIAN AFRICA IN
THE 15TH AND 16TH CENTURIES
1-
Research of a rough estimate of the population in the 19th century
2-
Research of a rough estimate of the population in the 16th century
a) Several observations
b) A significant comparison
c) Data and method of evaluation
Chart:
Approximative evolution of Black African Population
V.
ARGUMENT AND CALCULATIONS CORROBORATING THIS EVALUATION
1-
These densities agree with those brought to light by
Archaeology
2-
These densities agree with the results of simulated
numerical conditions
3-
A comparison with India
VI.
CONCLUSION
NOTES
and REFERENCES
Abstract
—
EVOLUTION OF THE BLACK AFRICA
POPULATION FROM NEOLITHIC TO THE MIDDLE OF THE 20th CENTURY—
During the entire period of
prehistory, Black Africa, the cradle of humanity, maintained a relatively large
population. The natural conditions are comparable to those of South Asia. Human
inhabitation increased during Antiquity, especially in the Middle Nile region.
From the 8th to the 17th century, various testimonies related to population
density are similar and have been progressively confirmed as accurate by
archaeological findings.From the results of the 1948-49 census, the population
of Black Africa in 1930 can be put at 125/130 million. An analysis of historical
facts shows that the population had decreased in population by more than one
third of its people between 1870 and 1930. We can thus infer that in 1850-1870,
the population of Sub-Saharan Africa was approximatively 200 million.
Between 1550 and 1850, the Portuguese and Moroccan
attacks afterwards the different slave trades added have produced effects
similar to those which the One Hundred Years War and the Thirty Years War had on
Europe. In comparing the settlements of the 19th century to those of the
15th/16th centuries, it appears that the population in the 19th century is the
three or the four times inferior. It is therefore plausible to assume that Black
Africa most likely had a population of between 600 and 800 million, around
1500/1550, that is to say, 30 to 40 inhabitants per km2.
Numerical simulations based on known numbers of
exported slaves refutes the previously accepted hypothesis of 4 to 5 inhabitants
per km2 during the 16th century, and confirms the above figures.

Great-Zimbabwe : L' "Ellipse" et les ruines voisines — Bâtiment en forme d'Ellipse ;
dimensions : length : 90 m, width : 65 m, height and
wall thickness : 9 m et 6 m
I.
Introduction
This
article quotes the numerous and various data at our disposal concerning
the quantitative evolution of the population in Black Africa since
Prehistory until the first coordinated census of population in
1948/1949.
After a short
statement of our knowledge on the population of Africa during Prehistory
and Antiquity followed by a few remarks concerning natural conditions ,
the following subjects will be here after examined:
- The record
of population between the 8th and the 17th century according to
witnessses and to Archaeology.
- A method of
evaluation of the Subsaharian African population in the 15th / 16th
centuries..
- The
arguments and calculations corroborating this evaluation
II.
Prehistory - Antiquity and natural conditions
The Homo
sapiens sapiens or Modern Men , are present in Africa at least as early
as 130,000 years BC. [1] They increased in number and improved the
lithic industries. The microlithism inaugurating the Upper Paleolithic
develops there between 50,000 and 40,000 B.C., that is to say earlier
than in Europe and rock art is earlier there as well [2].
According to
WENDORF and SCHILD (USA), barley was precultivated in the Nile valley,
in Upper Egypt around 13,000 B.C [3].West of Abou Simbel (Nubia),
domesticated cattle have been dated back to the 9th millenium B.C. The
archeologists F.WENDORF, A.CLOSE, A.GAUTIER and R.SCHILD conclude that
they are fairly more ancient than those of Eurasia [4]. In the same
region, the remains of a city dating from around 7000 B.C. have recently
been brought to light (Site of Nabta) [5]. From the Tropic to the edge
of the forest neolithic sites are to be found everywhere from the
Atlantic Ocean to the Red sea, " by thousands surely " [6].
A " watery "
civilisation blossomed from 8,000 B.C.to 6,000 over a boundless area
from Tanzania to the high lands of the Sahara and in Niger [7]. The
black populations spread over Sahara and Egypt, but at that period in
Egypt , the river Nile was much wider than nowadays.
Around 8,000
B.C., polished stone tools start appearing in the Nachikoufian, in
Northern Zambia [8] and pottery is attested around 7,500 BC. in the
massive of Aïr [9].During the fifth and the fourth millenium, the
predynastic civilisaton stradddles Nubia and Upper Egypt. In Iwo Eleru
(Nigeria), food production starts around 4,000 B.C.[10] The civilisation
of Nok, in Nigeria as well, lasted from 3,500 B.C. (?) until our era.[11]
Ancient Egypt was quite numerously populated as regards the period:
between 5 and 10 million inhabitants, depending on the periods.[12].And
so was Nubia , if we take into consideration the walls,. the Egyptian
texts and the archeological excavations . In The General History of
Africa (vol2, chap.11), A.HAKEM J.HRBEK and J.VERCOUTTER remark that
Meroe, at its peak, was " an enormous city ", equiped with all the
elements linked to urban life :palaces, thermae, temples, cimeteries...(p.335),
strenthening Herodote's witness, according to which, in the 5th century
B C , Meroe already was a large city.
The dates
indicating the beginning of the Iron Age, in Black Africa, are situated
between 1,200 and 2,900 BC.[13][14][15] in places as different from one
another as the Termit massive (between Lake Chad and Aïr), the region of
Kaolack in Senegal , the western and southwestern shores of Lake
Victoria Nyanza, Egypt and probably , the region of Nok. All this
implicates densities of population significantly higher than those
usually given to Africa during Antiquity. Trade networks are attested as
well, in particular by the expeditions of the Egyptian Herkouf in the
24th century before Christ, whereas China only emerged from Neolitic in
the 18th century B.C. The archeologist P.VIDAL estimates that on the
central Africa territory population reached at least one inhabitant per
km² in the middle of the first millenium before Christ [16];The works of
S.and R.MAC INTOSH revealed the existance of a city dating of the 3rd
century B.C. just next to the actual Djenné, that is to say as ancient
as the first urban agglomerations in Ethiopia.[17]. And D.W.PHILIPSON
remarks that stone building was a common habit in the region of Zimbabwé
as early as the first centuries of our era [18].
Despite of
all these data, many people still believe that the natural environment
of intertropical Africa unfavourable to men. Actually, the natural
conditons are quite similar to those of Southern Asia .So as to be
convinced of it, one may consult in particular the works of
J.RICHARD-MOLARD, P.KALCK,P.GOUROU (1982) [19][20][21] and L.M.DIOP-MAES
[22].Any historian and geograph, free of prejudices, will be able to
admit it when establishing a systematical comparison.
III. State of
the population between the 8th century and the 17th century according to
witnesses and Archaeology
1.
A
few witnesses
CA DA MOSTO(1457)
speaks of the black people of Mali transporting salt " along a
long track with so many pedestrians that they look like an exercite (
that is to say an army)" and he adds a little further,
" it is up to you to imagine what multitude of people
is required to carry this salt and how numerous are those who use it
"[23]. FERNANDES reports during the first years of the 16th century the
witness of Joao RODRIGUEZ:" To the gyloffo (woloff) people is to be
added, or adjoined a nation called the Terucooes (Tekrour)... And it is
an enormous multitude ". " in the banks of the river of Gambia end the
Gyloffos ..They have a very large and populated land and here along the
coast as well as inland, there are numerous villages all over. In these
countries, (Mandingues) there are a lot inhabited places with
5,000, 10,000 inhabitants or more " [24]
According to
DAPPER, one finds in Benin " an infinity of villages "(p.308) ;
the province of Dingi is a large country with numerous boroughs and
villages "(p.324);the prince of Bamba rules over " many a village
"(p. 342) ; the kingdom of Ngola (Angola) had "Eight main provinces
each of them " was "divided into several seigniories: Lovando has
39,Llamba 42, Massingan 12, Cambanda 60, and Embacco just as much "
(p.361) and , in the province of Sinfo(North of Lowando) a village is
to be found every 3 lieues (p.362) and " 32 seigniories "
were established there [25]. From the number of houses, schools, pupils,
tailors, mentioned in the Sudanese chronicas, it has been possible to
restore in its entirety the rough estimate of the populations of
Timbuktoo and Gao before 1591 ([L.M DIOP MAES [26].)
As to Gao and
Kano, it is possible to get a fairly precise idea of their numerical
importance thanks to this very curious and very interesting anecdote
reported by KATI [27], "People from Sudan [a country East of
Nigeria, that is to say Haoussa] had a discussion with the people of
Gao, the Sudanese saying that Kano was more important than Gao quivering
with impatience some young men from Timbuktoo and a few inhabitants of
Gao intervened and taking some paper , some ink and some quills entered
the town of Gao and started counting the block of houses starting by the
fist dwelling in the Western part of the town and writing down one after
the other :house of so and so, house of so and so, untill they reached
the last buildings on the Eastern side . The process lasted three days
and 7, 626 houses were thus counted, without taking into account the
staw huts". The event takes place around the end of the 16th century,
under the reign of one of the sons of Askia DAOUD.
R.MAUNY [28]
proposes 75,000 inhabitants for Gao, a figure he judges " enormous " but
that he has been led to take into consideration when comparing the
13,000 souls numbered by BARTH in Timbuktoo in 1854 for " 980 houses and
a few hundred strawhuts " from the 7626 houses in the census taken by
the Sudanese in Gao before 1591. An extremely interesting comparison
indeed: let us use the " rule of three " we then obtain a total of
101,000 inhabitantsx/7,626 = 13,000/980 .The population of Gao must
actually have been by far superior to these 100,000 people.
1) Because
BARTH himself adds that during the period of intense traffic ( November
January) the population of Timbuktoo increases from 18,000 to 23,000
inhabitants ["the floating population may amount.... to 5,000.... to
as many as 10,000 "[29].
2)Because
during a peaceful and prosperous period, the strawhut suburbs
spread and that the coefficient of occupation of the dwellings is
perhaps also higher. When counting 18,000 inhabitants in Timbucktoo for
980 houses one obtains 140,000 inhabitants for Gao around 1580 .
A eyewitness
tells KATI he has numbered in Timbuktoo 150 or 180 schools where "
young boys were taught Koran " Presumably, these were 6 to15 years
old boys. One of these schools visited at random had 123 pupils. When
choosing the average number of 165 schools , the number of 6 to 15 years
old pupils must have been of approximatly 165 x 120 = 19,800, lets say
in between 18,000 and 20,000 .Supposing all the young boys of this town
attended this teaching - which certainly was not the case- this bracket
of population including the girls would consist of 36,000 to 40,000
children .In a total population of the ancient type , the pyramid-shaped
diagram representing population by age-groups has a wide basis and the 0
to 6 years old bracket is more or less equal to 63% or 64% of that of
the 6 to 15 years old one, which would then represent 24,000 small
children. Assuming that, as we are considering a urban population , the
children under 15 only represent 36 or 37% of the population instead of
the average 39% , we obtain the population of Timbuktoo in the 16th
century by the following operation (24,000+ 38,000)x100,/36.5= 170,000
inhabitants aproximately. The result is 159,000 if the young people
under 15 years old stand for 39% of the population.
2.
Appreciation of these sources
The
preliminary critical analysis of that period describing " the black
country " has been done by historians. For example M MOLLAT [30] writes
this about narrators: " in the first rank among them , because of the
richness and the quality of his informations comes CADAMOSTO (p.155)..
Vanity being set apart, CADAMOSTO aims at sincerity and objectivity
(p56) [he is] the most exact of portraitists (p.178) BATOUTAH
despite his adversion for the Blacks, aknowledges the existence of
states and of a, besides ancient, urban life , for example in Mali (p.214)This clever story teller suffers confrontation with some
irrefutable witnesses . Despite his frequent partiality, he
reveals himself as an attentive observer...[he] speaks of Gao,as
a large city, among the prettiest., the largest and the richest of Sudan
". In his History of Congo M SORET [31] mentions that DAPPER is "
the characteristical compiler who has read all that was possible to read
at his period " and that his" work may be considered as the basis
of our documentation ". He adds that LABAT is more complete than
DAPPER, but less reliable than him. Theodore MONOD remarks that the
indications fournished by Joa RODRIGUEZ to Valentin FERNANDES often are
firsthand, and that many details, some of them already checked since,
establish the quality of his witness [24] ( introductory text to the
translation).We can remark together with, the German ethnologue
FROBENIUS :" What these ancient captains have told us..... such as D
'EBLEE, DES MARCHAIS, PIGAFETTA and all the others, what they have told
is true, one may control it "[32].
Thousands of
references have been established for The general History of Africa
published by UNESCO. Thus sources are not so scarce, and their
fiability comes from their confrontation, their analysis and their
verifying by Archaeology.
For example,
what was discovered when excavating at Koumbi- Saleh and elsewhere was
in concordance with the description of the Empire of Ghana by EL BEKRI.
As to Benin, the number of streets mentionned by one corresponds with
the number of quarters mentionned by the other, the perimeter evaluated
by the third one to the length of the main street given by the first
one, all of this unabling us to suppose that the witness according to
which the palace of the king counted 10.000 to 15.000 people is by no
means exagerated.
The
cicumstances of the counting of the houses in Gao, the precise number of
7626, leave no opportunity to doubt so as to its value. The millions of
boats moored in this town,(according to the Tarikhs) the comparison with
Kano, the witness of LEON L'AFRICAIN confirms the important number of
inhabitants of this town, moreover capital town of a large Empire.
As to the
region of Djenne , let us note that S.K. and R.J. MAC INTOSH [17]
proceeded to an archeologic investigation by aerial photograhy completed
by a prospection on the spot and datations. The first town of Djenne
dated back to the third century before our era. The region is in full
extension since the end of the first millenium B.C. which is exactly
what ES SA'DI said in Tarikh es-Soudan according to which New
Djenné was founded in the second century of Hegire.
The authors
remark that the expansion is not due to the trans-saharian trading , but
actually to " The internal development of a commercial network "every
day more complex. Thus is confirmed by Archaeology the description made
by ES SA'DI of the territory surrounding Djenné ( more than 7000
villages) A comparison can be established with the witness of LEON L'AFRICAIN
concerning (Gobir or Gober): in this town, " There is a great number
of weavers and coblers, making fashionable shoes... many of which are
transported to Tombut and to Cago "( that is to say Timbuktoo and
Gao; p.301-302). And, Gober is situated at about 1000 km from the bend
of river Niger. This sentence of LEON L'AFRICAIN [33] clearly shows the
importance of crafts, of the population and of inter African trade
before the Portuguese and Morrocan attacks. In Engarouka, 6,800 houses
stand there.(The hypothesis of HAMO SASSOON is examined critically by L
M DIOP [34]). According to LEON L'AFRICAIN in Gober and in the capital
town of Mali, 6,000 and in .Dongola there were 10,000 homesteads.
Moreover, let
us point out, that if the navigators speak of a million warmen in Angola
(LOPES[35] LINSCHOTEN[36]), it is surely because this army had seemed
extremely numerous to the Europeans who saw it, even though we cannot
take such a total, literally.
All over
Eastern and Southern Africa many remains of buildings and stoned built
cities have been discovered, as well as terraces, irrigation works,
wells, roads and above all mines and furnaces [37].On the coast, the
remains of harbour towns, overgrown with vegetation, are still visible
and G.MATHEW shows that they actually were black African cities [38].
The
population does not seem deficient except in the North (Oualata) on the
borders of the desert and in the South West where DAPPER only enumerates
half a million families, as well as in some other regions ( the Tago and
Majumba countries in Congo, the land situated between the kingdom of
Sofala and Cape of the streams on the Eastern coast etc.[25]).
One can
visualize the socioeconomic and politicoadministrative life of Black
Africa during that period when studying the texts of the Arabic
travellers, the Sudanese writers (internal sources) the tales of the
first European navigators and also according to the archeologic remains(C.A.
DIOP [39] L.M.DIOP [40],[41], [42], [43] DAVIDSON [11], P.MERCIER [44]
J.HURAULT [45] G.CONNAH [46] as well as Books III and IV of General
History of Africa published by UNESCO)
The life
style in the straw huts seemed mediocre or miserable to various
witnesses but, all agree on the abundance of the population, as well as
of the supplies, the productions and the handcraft (textile, metallurgy...)
which is confirmed by the density of remains of furnaces-except in some
regions that the authors of the same period have also indicated. The
analysis of these various sources lead us to state as quite likely, the
hypothesis of a relatively numerous population in black Africa, in the
15th and 16th centuries. Towns of 6,000 to 7,000 people, important
dwellings, without counting all the surrounding huts and numerous
villages of various dimensions, existed in the main regions of
Intertropical Africa :Agriculture, handcraft and trade were prosperous
within large and rather stable states, and , as remarked the German
ethnologist FROBENIUS,[47] ordered " in the slightest details "
opposite to what is generally still believed. The fact that, at the end
of the 15th century some African towns were really important, is
nowadays starting to be admitted: in L'Etat du Monde en 1492 ( a
collective work)[48], the number of 140,000 inhabitants is accepted for
Gao. Now as specialists of historical demography know quite well, this
implies a numerous population around. Benin was even more populated. In
the early 16th century, the population of the towns in Western Europe
was less numerous [49].
The elements
passed in review show that Inter tropical Africa was well populated, but
can we put a figure to it ?
IV. Method of
evaluation of the population of subsaharian Africa in the 15th
and 16th centuries
The method we
propose to evaluate the black African population at the end of the 15th
or in the early 16th century consists in doing a backward calculation in
two stages from the first figures obtained by the first coordinated
census of population in 1948-1849, taking into account the elements of
asessment at our disposal :
- first stage
: evaluation of black Africa's population in the 19th century in
comparison with the approximative figures resulting from the census of
population of 1948-1849, that is to say, 140 to 150 million after
correcting ;
- second
stage : evaluation of black Africa's population before the slave trade
using the data in relation with the direct and indirect effects of the
different slave trades.
1. Research
of a rough estimate of the population of Black Africa in the 19th
century
In the
usually admitted hypothesis of some 90 or 95 million inhabitants in the
middle of the 19th century, the general increase of the population of
Black Africa from 1850 to 1948 would have been of 50 to 60 million that
is to say of about 60%. All over Eastern and Southern Africa man Black
Africa with a rate of increase of, 0.7 to 0.8 % per year [40]. It
appears on the other hand that a decrease took place from 1880 untill
1930 because of the military penetration (conquest of the inside of the
continent) and of a very harsh colonial exploitation during the first 25
to 30 years which results from the elements hereafter enumerated.
One must
remember that the European artillery pulverized the " compact groups
" of warriors armed with African rifle-trade rifles that resistances
formely minimized , arose nearly in all regions, in many different ways
and often desperate ones (suicidal defences); migrations and intra
African wars broke out in great disorder throughout the continent ,
massive slaughters were committed by either one or the other (Germans,
English, French, Belgian, Boers, RABAH, SENOUSSI, BANGASSOU, the agents
of TIPPU TIP and others..); food shortages famines were rampant
everywhere cultures, crops, food reserves were burnt, abandoned or
ruined.Moreover, as the colonizer enroled the Africans from already
defeated countries to conquer some others , one must almost add the
killed combatants of both camps. Then rebellions arose nearly everywhere,
nearly each year untill 1930 [50] There were usually quelled in blood
and burned down [51] At the same time the first stage of the colonial
exploitation turned out into portages and the endlessly demanded
paddlings, requisitions and confiscations of all sorts, excessive taxes
and war fines, various compulsory works for the railways, for the
plantations and the crops intended to exportation, for the forest
logging ; food shortages and famines went on and turned out even worse
in many places for example in the French zone (Gabon 1924-1927); seven
regions during the 1929-1930 crisis [52][53].
The medical
substructures remained poor or missing untill around 1930.; to these
must be added the mass exodus of the active male population (up to 60%
of the 15 to 45 years old men) towards the mines, the building sites,
the towns and the colonizing armies, which provoked a dispersal of the
families in the villages.The slavery and the famous" villages of
liberty " , actually real misery camps, were only very progressively
abolished after 1905 , in French Black Africa. Moreover let us once more
remember that, in order to obtain the indispensable carriers and the
payment of the taxes, women and children were taken as hostages by tens
, locked up in strawhuts and deliberately starved untill men surrended.
Some of these hostages died in their detention.place." In between the
extension of imported diseases and the recession of fevers, intestinal
illnesses, leprosi and cholera " the scales remains uncertain,
remark M.REINHARD and A. ARMENGAUD [49]. The same authors quote the
following remark: " Africa was able to survive to three centuries of
slavery but is likely to succumb to one century of colonisation ".
To intend
putting a figure to the demographic recession generated by the
accumulation of the historical facts mentionned above,it is possible to
quote a certain number of totals:
-In Chad ,
according to A.LEBEUF (1959), the urban area of Logone Birni in the
Kotoko country, had 12,000 inhabitants when NACHTIGAL went across it in
1872 and only just one million in the 1950s.The author, points out that
this country was then " infinitely more inhabited than nowadays ";"
the smallest village had 3,000 to 6,000 souls ". She even remarks
that the capital town of Baguirmi could have gone down from 25,000
inhabitants in 1850, according to BARTH, to 10,000 in 1900 and to about
one million when she was there [54].
- In Sudan,
according to K. J. KROTKI [545 , the population could have gone down
from 9 million inhabitants in 1882 to 2,165
million in 1903.
- In Kenya M.
DAWSON considers that the Kikuyu population had notably decreased
between 1890 and 1925 [56].
-In Zaire,
according to Hannah ARENDT, using the works of several authors , the
agents of LEOPOLD II reduced the population by more than half [57].
-In Tanzania
and in Namibia, Germans are said to have suppressed about 120,000
Massi-Massis and Ngonis, 75% to 80% Hereroes (this fact has been
confirmed), 50% of the other Namibians [53].
-The Massaï
country lost half of its population because of an epidemic of smallpox
after1897 [53].
- In the
general group made of Gabon, Congo,Oubangi-Chari, C. COQUERY-VIDROVITCH
estimates that the population has diminished by one third, during the
first stage of the colonial domination [58] and even much more in some
districts according to J. SURET-CANALE .
Concerning an
area in the region of Gribingui, the local chief wrote in
his report: " A few more months... and it will become but a desert
dotted with a few ruined villages and devasted plantations. No more food
nor manpower, the region is ruined ". Three years earlier , Captain
JULIEN makes some similar remarks on a region near Kotto:.. " not one
standing house 25 km along, the ripe mil has been cut and carried away
by BANGASSOU." The town of Said Baldas, in the Kreich country, had
more than 5,000 inhabitants in 1901.It was destructed from top to bottom
by SENOUSSI in 1902 [59] Rev. P.DAIGRE (1947) writes that even night
work was imposed for the gathering of rubber, that the starved and
exhausted workers were dying like flies, and that the Bandas were dying
by thousands from oedema in the concentration camps (pp.113 to116,
quoted by SURET-CANALE [50] who notes that these conditions added to the
forced seperation of men from women, made even the procreation itself
impossible) As to the works, the demograghs M.REINHARD and A.ARMENGAUD
note that they have " emptied whole regions:such as the construction
of the Congo-Ocean line which required between 1920 and 1940 about
20,000 to 30, 000 workers " As many workers were necessary in the
costal region of The Gabon for lumbering where mortality was very high:17%
of the number of workers during only one month in Oyem in 1922. " As
they usually only enrolled 20 to 40 years old men, an important part of
the male population being able to procreate was lost " [60]. To sum
it up an extremely high total mortality during half a century, and
without hardly a despite. Anne RETEL-LAURENTIN underlines moreover the
high percentages of sterility due to imported venerial diseases and
notably within the Nzakaras [61].
-In Southern
Africa, The English and The Boers are known to have waged deadly wars
against Bantous and Hottentots.
-In Western
Africa, A.DEMAISON estimates to 30,000 the number of killed in eight
months during the conflicts with EL-HADJ OMAR (quoted by Oumar BA [62]).
This author signals that the battle of Diaty in Senegal made many
victims. Sikasso had 40,000 inhabitants : after shelling " everything
was either caught or killed " (witness quoted by VIGNE D'OCTON and
SURET-CANALE). The passing of the VOULET-CHANOINE column distinguished
itself by many a hanging and heaps of dead bodies. Sixteen Dogon
villages were conquered one by one thanks to many reinforced artillery
guns. The Coniagui villages were burned down, in French Western Africa,
where The Abés, The Kissis,The Tomas, The Sombas, The Bobos, The
Baoulés, The Gouros, The Dans , The Lobis, The Bétés also rebelled. The
general uprising of the Ashantis was crushed by the English, they also
sacked Benin and quelled the Temne and Mende rebellions in Sierra Leone.
-In Cameroun,
J.HURAULT signals that the Peul invasion in Adamaoua highly reduced the
population and that " the surrounding walls of the town of Banyo,
built around 1880 corresponds to a population ten times higher than that
of the census taken in 1954 " [63].
The increase
of population in many protected or spared places under the living and
hygienic conditions we know , could not compensate the drastic cuts.The
gap remains enormous.
All that has
been listed above leads us to believe that on average, including the
tragical effects of the continuing of the Eastern slavery untill the
beginning of the 20th century,Subsaharian Africa must have lost at least
one third of its inhabitants between 1880 and 1930.
In order to
obtain a rough estimate of Black Africa 's population, around 1850/1970
we must first substract from the number accepted in 1948/1949 (140 to
150 million). The demographic increase registered between 1930 and 1948
(about 0.7 to 0.8% per year): we obtain about 127 million inhabitants
in 1930 . In agreement with all that has been written above , these
127 million represent about the 2/3 of the approximative total
population of Subsaharian Africa around 1850/1870. We thus obtain a
rough estimate of this population: 200 million inhabitants in
Subsaharian Africa.
2. Research
of a rough estimate of the population of Black Africa in the 16th
century
What happened
in between the 16th and the 19 th century ?
a) Several
observations
At the
international colloquium in Haiti (1978) [64] and later at the one held
in Nantes (1985) [65] the rechearchers endeavoured to study the effects
of the different slavery trades, and, more particularly within Black
Africa itself. According to last the clarifications 22 to 26 million
individuals at least, have left Subsaharian Africa in between 1550 to
1900 , either across The Atlantic (for more than half of them) , or
across Sahara, The Red Sea and The Indian Ocean .But the losses are far
from reflecting the whole of the demographicic effects on the large
subsaharian triangle. Even before, the settling up of the slavery trade
on a large scale, the Portugueses, the Arabs and Moroccans (1591)
provoked many killed and mass destructions. This point is too often
forgotten.During the following decades, " The economic context of
slave trade has greatly determined the bursting out of internal
conflicts and civil wars, as well as the multiplication of country
people's fleecing ". Which is what C.BECKER and V.MARTIN observed in
Senegambia [66].
The rich
towns on the Eastern coast, which remains are still visible , have been
destructed, Mozambic and Zambezia, have been ruined, as well as Kongo,
Angola, and by other means , the loop of the Niger. The ancient kingdoms
and the Empires broke up. Slave trade caused at the same period many
shifts in population which did not take place without clashes.During
about three centuries , by force of circumstances, nearly all the
kingdoms, reduced to the size of principalities, accumulated slaver
prisoners of war to be given in exchange with firearms and diverse
European or Arabic goods. In Congo, in Dahomey, in Senegal, some kings
tried to rebel against slave exportation, but it was in vain.[67] The
system was the strongest. The percentage of slaves in the population
became enormous(nearly half of it). " The birth rate of a servile
population is often low " [68][69]. The slaves were distributed
among marketplaces, slaveries,slave/reserve villages, under the prince's
authority and lastly notables and individuals.C.BECKER notes in
Senegambia the depopulation of the border regions in between the
kingdoms; these areas are reconquered by the bush or the forest "
although they were densively populated areas " [70].
Similar
phenomenons are observed in almost all regions:(Fuuta Jallon, Benin,Oyo,
Dahomey, (cf. the paper given by B.BARRY and that of J.E.INIKORI at the
colloquium in Nantes). In Kongo and in Angola it was even
worse.W.G.L.RANDLES reports, according to the Portuguese archives, that
thousands of warriers were killed and a vast crowd of slaves were
captured in Angola by the Portugueses themselves. The inland population,
had " seriously decreased " because of the internal wars, of the
plunders to capture slaves and the results of smallpox, as Manuel
FERNANDES puts it himself (1670). The region of Ambacca had lost in
1782, the 2/3 of its inhabitants [71].
Indeed there
has been the building up of new harbour-towns along the Atlantic coast,
but also, at some certain variable distances around and specially inland,
the emptying of people from plundering, burning down, and stealing,"
carrying away to slavery all those they possibly could ". The
cultures, he writes, were abandonned, famine settled down for good."
One witnessed a dreadfull decline of the Negro civilisation... the
warrior becoming thereafter the unique master.
The
Pax
maliana was but a vague remembrance of the golden age of Sudan ".The
villages settle on easily defendable but difficult to
cultivate high points,autochthonous arts and crafts are withering so is
the inter regional trade of local goods (which was, and we have proofs
of it, very busy before).
Basil
DAVIDSON [67] remarks that " At the peak of the slave trade in the
18th century in Birmingham, the gunsmiths alone ,exported towards Africa,
each year, between 100,000 and 150,000 muskets " and that "
enormous quantities of firearms were unloaded unto Western Africa during
the major part of the slave trade " (pp.220).
b)
Significant comparison
In a study
entitled Ecological conditions and slave trade in Senegambia
[73].C.BECKER underlines that in the 18th century, subsistence crisis
grow in number, new sanitary problems appear and epidemics -such as
yellow fever- tend to become endemic.
Here is an
extract from a letter written by R.C.GEOFFROYde VILLENEUVE, who was a
doctor, collaborator of Knight de BOUFFLERS in Senegal just before the
French revolution, quoted by F.THESEE [74]" One sees in the island of
Biffeche many depopulated villages, and there are no less in Oualo.
There is not one single creek nor hidden recess that has not been
ravaged. Almost all villages have been troubled and alarmed by these
human beeing stealers. These unfortunate inhabitants no longer know what
they are to become . Neither the Lord of Biffeche nor the King of the
Oualo have power to protect them because the former is a triburitory of
the latter, himself being dependant on the Moors. During the seed time
and the harvest periods , they are obliged to remain in their villages,
close to their agricultural work and to secure their crop. They have
then some sort of shelter and a hiding place thanks to the height of the
grass at the harvest period. But after this period they have no hope of
hiding, but to take up their dwellings near the forests (underlined
by myself) That is why the inhabitants of these regions join two or
three villages together to make one to be able to resist the incursions
of the Moors. When it is the seed time or the havest season , they go
back to their lands, but they live there in a permanent state of
anxiety and fear. One is unable to describe all the dreadfull
ravages the Moors commit ".
Let us
compare with the description of rural France during the Hundred years
war by G. DUBY and al:" The calamities that shake up the
foundations of French peasantry... are actually of different origins and
various natures .They are not thus independant from one another. The
soldiers, as well as the traders, spread the diseases...
Undernourishment, and malnutrition resulting of a series of lost or poor
harvests , create a favourable breeding ground for the progress and the
geographical spreading of contagious diseases. So, more than an
accumulation of unconnected factors operating one by one , it concerns a
thick web of complex interactions not always easy to disentangle ".[75] Exactly as plague in France, various illnesses" settle down "
(cholera, dysentery...)," draw attention here and there or
"
spread out in wide waves ", become endemic; " unsettling because
of a sucession of jolts the delicate mechanism of the economic machine"
(id p.44)..." return during a food shortage " (p.47)" fiercely
going at children, creating thus the outcoming twenty years later of
depleted groups ... The recurrent drastic cuts , the differential action
on the age brackets lead up to an irreparable decline of populations,
reinforced by imigration (id)..." As plague does, military
campains proceed by waves.. provinces are differently attacked "
(p.48)" The mere threathening of the rerturn of military troups ,
even if it does not take place, is sufficent to paralyse activity"
(p.50)" at the same time consequence and reason of difficulties,
robbery proliferates " (p.54)" Peasants resort to an an old
place of refuge, the forest (underlined by myself) They hide
there. From there they have an eye on the movements of armed troops,...
food, as precarious as it might be , it never completly lacking in the
undergrowth; when it happens to be lacking a raid against murder."(p.70).
This is more
or less what Mungo PARK (1795/1797) relates with a supplementary element:"
The caravan of slaves ". From the account of his journey emerges a
picture coming in opposition in every detail with that drawn by the
Arabic travellers from the 10th untill the 16th century as well as that
of the first navigators.No better than during the Hundred years War a
" rising birth rate " could " compensate " the accumulated losses all
the more since the raids were practiced with the weapons of the Thirty
years War, and later with those of the 18th and 19th centuries.
P.KALCK shows
that the Atlantic slave trade also affected the Central African
territory and that it is could but come from the nearest hinterland on
the coast. Out of many relations of the 16th and 17 th wrongly that one
tries to minimise the ravages of the Atlantic slave trade claiming that
the sold slaves centuries, and from many other recordings , the
conclusion emerges that some slaves coming from the borders of Nubia or
Chad were led to The Congo or to the Guinean coasts because of " the
trade from one tribe to another, based on the selling of men" [76].
The same
author quotes a well-read Tunisan, EL TOUNSY who travelled North East of
the CentreAfrican territory from 1803 until 1813:" 80 ravages swooped
down unto this region each year, captives died by" " thousands on the
way to slavery ". He gives the example of a group of 20 slaves
amoung which only 2 or 3 reached Darfour, and notes that " many
epidemics broke out in the caravans ". Similar expeditions decimated
the Saras .The raids of slaves , which traditionally only happened once
a year according to Leon L'AFRICAIN[33] .had thus reached a frequency of
80 per year in the early 19th century.
J. E. SUTTON
reports about a town in Ghana (the present one) which had : 77 streets :"
It was reduced to nothing in 1679 plus or minus two years " [77].
The authors of the History of rural France write a little further :"
All departure of inhabitants, even though partial, always brings an
under- exploitation of the land "(p.71)" Badly hupkept, the land
immediatly looses 50% if not more of its yield " (p.72) In the end
they conclude by a rough estimation of the depopulation in France during
that period, saying :" The comparison of the homesteads , real ones
called " kindlling hearths "(and not fiscal ones)... remains a
source of information:thanks to it one may delemit the extent of the
disaster. In spite of the rate of uncertainty which concerns the number
of people in each homestead and the fluctuation of this number... From
the beginning of the 14th century untill the middle of the 15th century,
the number of homesteads decreases by half, this proportion is amply
overstepped in the more severily concerned regions... The rural
depopulation , which is a ensemble mouvement, breaks up into a coloured
pattern of local evolutions, which have a varied magnitude and different
chronology "(pp. 72,74,75) .
The
incertainties and the regional disparities do not forbid to suggest a
rough estimate of the decrease of the population as a whole:" at
least diminished by half " for the French population in between 1340
and 1450. By how much has the population of Subsaharian Africa
diminished in between 1550 and 1850 ?
c) Data and
method of evaluation
The advocated
method of evaluation is the same as the one G.DUBY uses to mesure the
demographic results of the Hundred Years War in France: compare the
number of real homesteads before and after the considered period. The network of towns and villages reflect the state of economy.
In the 16th
century, large towns such as Gao, Timbucktoo, Kano, approxematly had,
from 140,000 to 170,000 inhabitants. In the 19th century, Timbucktoo
only had from 13,000 to 23,000 inhabitants left, according to BARTH and
LENZ's witnesses (average 18,000). But the largest urban areas of the
19th century reached from thirty to forty thousand inhabitants (Segou).CLAPPERTON,
in 1824, allocates exactly the same margin.The average ratio of the
urban population between the 16th and the 19th century to be taken into
consideration is thus 150,0000 : 35,000 = 4.29 and no longer 150,000 :
18, 000.
In the same
way, concerning the villages, Valentim FERNANDES (end of the 15th
century:/ end of the 16th century) tells us that, in the Empire of Mali,
they often reached "5,000, 10,000 inhabitants and more ", whereas,
the largest villages that René CAILLE (1824-1828) came across, had only
just1,000 inhabitants.
In Western
Africa, the population would thus, have been, about four times more
numerous in the 16 th century than it was in the 19th century.And this
is, without taking into account , in this estimation, the fact that the
number of urban areas has also decreased during that period(cf above
J.E.G. SUTTON [77]).
Lastly ,
according to the texts of two different periods, it appears that the
number of combatants that a prince could gather was also much more
numerous in the 16th century than in the 19th century.The ratio is again
of about 4 or 5 to 1.
Is the rough
estimate ratio of 4 to 1 , observed in Western Africa representative of
the decrease of the total population of Black Africa between the 16th
and the 19th century ?
From Cape of
the Palms to South Angola, the losses were more important .Gwato, the
harbour of Benin, had 2,000 homesteads when the Portuguese arrived there
and only but 20 or30 left when the first explorators of the 19th century
did..[78] The various witnesses indicate that Congo and Angola had a
fairly dense population at then beginning of the16th century.
W.G..RANDLES in his paper shows how in Angola this numerous population
had been reduced to less than 200,000 inhabitants according to the
census of population carried out by the Portuguese in 1819 [71].
On the other
hand, in Chad, in the Kotoko country, as we have just seen,the villages
which NACHTIGAL came accross, on his way, had 3,000 to 6,000 souls in
1872 . In 1850 Baguirmi is still highly populated, according to the
witness of BARTH. And, according to CLAPPERTON, in the beginning of the
19th century, the capital town of Bornou, was the meeting place of at
least a hundred million people in the season of the great cereal and
vegetables market [79]. These regions will start being decimated in
1890. In Soudan, depopulation starts in 1820, after its conquest by
Méhemet ALI. K. J. KROTKI remarks that for " BAKER, travelling
between Berber and Khartoum, in 1862, the villages formely inhabited,
had entirely disappeared, the population was gone, the irrigation had
stopped " [55]. Early in the beginning of the 16th century, the
coasts of Eastern Africa were ruined by the Portuguese, so was a part of
Zambezia. Data concerning this region should be searched for. As to
South Africa, we know about the wars against the " Cafres ", the
undertakings of TCHAKA at the turning point between the 18th and the 19
th century, the hustle of peoples, the move of the Boers provoked, early
in the middle of the 19th century, and in the descriptions of
LIVINGSTONE (1840/1864) and others.
It appears
that, on a whole, the proportions noted down in Western Africa can be
representative of the average decrease of the global total population of
Subsaharian Africa from the 16th until the middle of the 19 th century.
But, because of the figures given by BARTH and by NACHTIGAL in Chad and
in Barguirmi, as well as most probably the remaining of rather dense
populations in some regions of the high plateaux of Eastern Africa, and
this mainly during the first half of the 19th century, it seems
will remain sensible to consider that the population of Subsaharian
Africa in the 16th century, was three or four times more numerous than
what of it in the middle of the 19th century.
In other
words, as we have considered a rough estimate of 200 millions
inhabitants around 1860 (cf.above p.8.),The volume of the population
of Subsaharian Africa in the 16th century should stand in between 600
and 800 millions inhabitants, so to say a rough estimate average density
of 30 to 40 by km². Let us insist on the fact that most
regions of Black Africa have known during more than two centuries a
situation similar to that of France during the Hundred Years War with
the weapons of the Thirty Years War (this war has reduced by half the
population of the german Empire within 30 years, between 1618 and 1648)
and this relentlessly.
V. Argument
and calculations corroborating this evaluation
1.
These densities agree with the archeologic researches:
In such a
region as Yatenga, subject of fight between Mali and Songhai on one hand
and Mossi on the other, that is to say a region of considerable
unsecurity and instability, on a sample of 1862 km², the ancient
population has been estimated by J.Y MARCHAL to 26,560 inhabitants, so
an average density of 14.3 by km².And still, one must take into account
that this average is lowered by the low density of 4.8, of one unique
space amoung the fifteen spaces studied; all the other densities are
comprised in between 8.4 and 25.2 .over 1770 km ² [80].At the same time
, in his paper at the Talks of Malher held in Paris in October 1985
J.HURAULT showed that in Adamaoua, in Cameroun, before the arrival of
the Foulbés, the densities of population,although low in one unique
region (the plain of Gashaka) were in the five others comprised in
between 10 and 250/ km², depending on the bioclimatic conditions.
He evaluates aproximatly to 30 inhabitants by km², the average
density in the 15th century, in the area of Adamaoua which he studied
[81].
Let us recall
once more, that in Engarouka, the 6,800 ruined houses are directly
visible and that strawhuts disappear as quickly as they are built. As to
Senegal between the 8th and 12th century, one must refer to the
researches of Ch.BECKER and V.MARTIN [82] that lead us to suppose that,
already at that period,the average population densities were in the
region of 9 to 10 inhabitants by square kilometres.Ethiopia and Nubia (
today's Sudan) have numerous more or less preserved or excavated
monuments . In Eastern and Western Africa millions of remaining walls
and mines have been discovered (JASPAN [83], Basil DAVIDSON [84]) and
more precisely, between Zambezi and Limpopo, the cyclopean ruins of
Zimbabwe, as well as those of the harbour towns spaced out along the
coast of the Indian Ocean and studied by Rev Father G. MATHEW.In Western
Africa each town had one or even several mosques of typical Soudaneese
type , and the capital town of the Empire, had a palace.
In the Yoruba
country , FROBENIUS described the palace of The Oni of Ifé" a solemn
building made of genuine enamelled bricks ..." As to the palace of
the king of Benin , that impressed the Dutch people so much, it
comprised numerous appartments and pleasant galeries " as wide"as those
of the Stock Exchange in Amsterdam sustained by wood pilars covered with
plates of bronze riveted to oneanother, or made of copper, all over
which their victories are painted ". " The courtroom was large .. with a
large impluvium in the center itself sustained by about a hundred pilars
". And there were as many palaces as kings that had reigned .G.CONNAH
has demonstrated the large population of Benin [85].
2.
These densities agree with the results of simulated.numerical
calculations
In his paper
at the Colloquium in Edimbourgh, J.THORNTON (University of Zambia),
proposes a pattern which great quality is , although it may be subject
to debate, to be more specific about the minimal necessary densities
,in coastal regions, to supply the exportations of slaves , particularly
in between 1700 and 1750 [86].
He pairs an
area of hinterland with the corresponding portion of coast, thus
exploiting many sources of informations that allows him to calculate the
number of slaves removed from a region per km²; He considers that the
factors limitating the population increase , generated by circumstances,
have reduced the demographic annual increase down to 0.2%. When using
the data on the exported age groups and respectively on the percentages
of exported men and women , he calculates that in order to export 1,000
slaves, a population of 368,000 inhabitants was necessary, at the period
when they were exported. From this he deduces the average minimal
densities in the studied regions in he 18th century those corresponding
to the higher numbers of exported people.
For our study,
we extract from his two tables (p.710 and 711) the significant totals
that is to say. His model shows in fact that over extended areas of
Black Africa densities of population must have been contained in
11.7 to 40.6 at least, between 1700 and 1750. reinforcing
thus, the evaluations put forward above. The low density of Senegal
(5.2) only means that the number of exported slaves during the
considered period was notably lower there than in the region bounded by
Guinea and Angola.
With a
calculation carried out with the data provided by W.G.RANDLES,and when
proceeding as follows, one can determine the minimal populations of
Angola in the 16th century when using the (well known by demographs)
following relation (1) :
P(t) =
b+(P(t0) - b) (1+a)(t-t0)
Where :
P(t)
:population at period t ( expressed in number of years)
P(t0)
: population at period t0
previous to period t(expressed in number of years)
a
: average annual rate of increase of population
b
: is the following ratio :
number of slaves that left per year
b
= --------------------------------------------------
annual rate of increase
This
mathematical expression gives the population P(t), at any instant t when
knowing population, P( t ), at a previous period ( t ), as well as the
average annual increase of population a , and the average annual number
of slaves taken away from this population. Inversely, when knowing P( t
) at period ( t ) one may deduct P( t0
) using the same relation (1).
So as to
Angola we are trying to find, the population P( t0
) in the, hereafter precised, case t0
= 1575, t = 1819, t-t0
= 244 years and P( t ) = 198, 415, which is the average number of slaves
exported each year = 12,300.
P( t0)
is calculated for two values of the average annual positive rate of
increase respectively a = 0.15% and a = 0.35% , in five different cases
modifying from 0 to 4 the number of dead men necessary for one slave
leaving Angola alive. We obtain the following table :
a
|
0 pour 1
|
1 pour 1
|
2 pour 1 |
3 pour 1 |
4 pour 1 |
0,15 % |
2 647 700 |
5 157 700 |
7 667 700 |
10 647 700 |
12 688 000 |
0,35 % |
2 100 500 |
4 116 200 |
6 132 200 |
8 148 100 |
10 164 000 |
Table:
Population of Angola in 1575 calculated in ten different hypothesis ( I thank Cheikh M'Backé DIOP and Samory Candace DIOP for doing these
calculations as well as those below)
W.G.L. RANDLES makes it quite clear,
that these are official figures which let me underline it,do not take
into account smuggling. The number of slaves shipped was surely superior
to this annual average number of 12,300. In reality, things happened
differently.As soon as the end of the 16th century, the Portuguese, had
been waging terribly deadly wars which had already sharply eliminated an
important part of the population. Internal wars, raids,smallpox
epedemics,flight of inhabitants took place during the 17th century. In
the 18tth century, the average number of exported people lowered , and
the slaves were brought along from inland , from the kingdom of Lunda.
But the interest of this table is to show
the minimal number of inhabitants to be figured out in the 16 th century,
in this region, to furnish a regular yearly average exportation of 12
,300 slaves.
When one knows that this number is inferior
to the actual number, and that the well known historical facts allow to
certify that in this country, the number of dead and missing men was
probably higher than 4 out of 1, one may mesure the importance of the
population that one should rationally credit. Angola with in the16 th
century, and also, note, that the visual witnesses of that period were
not wrong and told the truth.
If one considers the lowest accepted figure
, for the population of Subsaharian Africa in the 16th century, that is
to say 600 million and that one compares it with the 200 million
calculated for the middle of the 19 th century, the difference is of 400
million, corresponding to about 22 to 26 million exported slaves. This
means: about 16 individuals lost because of indirect effects (insecurity,
diseases...) as well as because of the immediate effects of slave
trade, for each single captive who left Africa alive, and also that,the
rate of the decrease of population adds up to an average of 0.36 %
per year .However high the rates of births might have been, they were
unable to compensate the immediate losses in addition to a permanent
exceedingly high mortality and to serious loss in births.
The calculation allows us to see how
important is the underestimation of the hypothesis of a population of 95
million inhabitants around 1730 in Black Africa. Let us suppose that
there only were 4 missing men for one single exported slave, that the
increase rate remained positive to 0.14% on average (rate choosen by
C.CLARK and J.N.BIRABEN for the period between the 11th and the16th
century), and that 140,000 slaves per year (adding up all slavetrades
together) have been exported untill 1830. At that date, only 34 million
inhabitants would remain [when using the same relation (1) with a =
0.14% ? T° = 1730, P(t°) = 95 million , annual drawn out effectives :
140,000 +(140,000 x 4)].
3.
A comparison with India
As to Subsaharian Africa, specialists of
historical demography have neglected to take into consideration the
texts of the different ages ( various Arabic and European sources,
internal sources, that is to say the autochonous chronicles, the former
confirming the later), whereas Jacques HOUDAILLE writes [87] " The
reading of the ancient litterature supplies precious information. It
allows us to estimate the population in India, 3,000 years B.C. ".
In order to compare, let us remember that India, in 1500, was by no
means that of today! BABER, grandson of TIMOUR le BOITEUX," wonders at
the unstable nature of the towns and villages that spring up and die out
suddently " he notes that in the region of Malabar," the countrymen
usually go along naked [49].
Many monuments have been built after this
date.In L 'Etat du Monde in 1492 , Marc GABORIAU remarks that "
no Indian town is as monumental as the capital town of Angkor ", that
the Indian are then in blooming ", that the harbours, " in activity
along all the coasts, do not usually lead to the springing out of very
large towns, except in Gujarat and in Bengali " the large towns are the
towns of the Princes, and the other administrative inland towns ". The
author quotes " Bidar, capital town of the Bahmani sultans of Deccan
"..... now, the walls surrounding the city are 4 km long "... Let us not
forget that the walls surrounding Benin were 30 km long, according to
DAPPER, and could shelter more than 200,000 inhabitants , just as the
capital town of Bengale in the early 16th century (p.78) Geneviève
BOUCHON points out (p.81) that the remains of Vijayanagar (a town in the
centre of Deccan) reveal that " ancient clusters of buildings,
alternate with agricultural areas " the whole of it spreading
over "more than thirty square kilometres "; this corresponds to a
diameter of about 6 km. The main street in Benin was about 5 or 7 km
long.
It is admitted, that the population of the
Indian peninsula, at that same period, was of 110 or 150 million souls
although its area was 4.6 times smaller .If one multiplies 110 or150
million by 4.6, the rough estimate is then 500 or 700 million. But the
population in India went on increasing during the three centuries during
which Africa was emptying and ruining itself more deeply [88].
VI. Conclusion
According to our argument, the actual
population would not have yet quite reached the numbers corresponding to
the period when the autochthonous farmers or craftsmen, were exploiting
the intertropical environment within an intra African economy,
caracterized by a dwarfish concentration (workshops gathering 50 to 100
tailors) [39][34][89]. Unfortunatly, the repopulation, takes place in
bad economical , political and social conditions, as well as in a very
unbalanced way, whereas in the old times the land was scattered over by
networks of villages and medium size towns. Moreover, dry Tropical
Africa,spreads itself at the expense of wet Africa usually more
favoured.But, the knowledge of the demographic and economical past of
Black Africa, before the colonisation allows us to understand better the
present situation and to elaborate in a better way the construction of
the development and of the future within the so called post industrial
society which is starting to settle down.

· The town of Benin
: Gravure publiée à Amsterdam, en 1686, dans la
"Description de l'Afrique"
de DAPPER (Cf. K. Onwonwu DIKE, "Dès le Moyen Age existait en Nigéria un
royaume prestigieux : Bénin", in Le Courrier de l'UNESCO,
octobre 1959, pp. 12-19.
Notes and references
[1] Skull of
the fossil "Omo 1" found in situ in South Ethiopia, not far away from
the Keynian frontier .cf. in a more general study , the works of the
German paleoanthropologist Gunter BRAUERsummerized and updated in the
review ANKH ,3,1994, Khepera, Gif sur Yvette.France.
[2] VAN NOTEN
F., in General History of Africa, Vol. 1, Methodology and
Prehistory, Paris, UNESCO, 1980, p. 593 and 595 (édition française).
LEAKEY R., La naissance de l'homme Paris Editions du Fanal, 1981.
[3]WENDORF
F., and SCHILD R., Prehistory of the Nile Valley, Academic Press,
New-York, 1976, p.404; "Use of barley in the Egytian Late Paleolithic",
in Science, n° 4413, 1979, pp. 1341-1347.
[4]WENDORF
F., CLOSE A., GAUTIER A., and SCHILD R.,"Les débuts du pastoralisme
en Egypte" in La Recherche, vol.21, n° 220, April 1990, pp.
436-445.
[5] B.I.A ,
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[48]"Etat
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[50]SURET-
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[57]ARENDT H
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[78]PACHECO
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[81]personnal
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[82]MARTIN et
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[85]CONNAH G.
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[89]As J.C.
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Black Africa rely on no study.The more recent ones, herafter quoted, do
not either.Neither the various written sources nor Archaeology are taken
into account .None of the known equations of the demographs has been
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